Ukrainian Refugee Entrepreneurs in Europe: Uncounted Busines

The full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 generated one of the largest forced displacement crises in Europe since the Second World War, with Eurostat and UNHCR data indicating that over 4.3 million people fleeing Ukraine held temporary protection in the European Union alone at the end of 2023 and again at the end of September 2025, and more than 6 million refugees from Ukraine recorded across Europe in UNHCR's operational statistics.1 11 12 13 Against this backdrop, Ukrainian refugees and other displaced persons have increasingly interacted with European labour markets, not only as employees but also as self-employed workers and micro-entrepreneurs, yet robust official statistics on how many have actually registered businesses remain extremely sparse. Available administrative and statistical systems, including Eurostat's temporary protection datasets, UNHCR's operational portal and national statistical offices such as Statistics Poland, capture displacement status and, in some cases, employment, but generally do not link refugee status or citizenship to business registrations in a systematic, internationally comparable way.1 9 12 13 15 17 As a result, any numerical assessment of the number of Ukrainian-owned businesses in Europe must rely on indirect estimation methods that combine population figures, generic entrepreneurship rates and scattered national evidence, and can at best yield an indicative range rather than precise counts. Germany appears to host the single largest stock of people from Ukraine under temporary protection in the EU, suggesting that it likely also leads in the absolute number of Ukrainian-founded firms, followed by countries such as Poland and Czechia, but this ranking rests on inference from population data rather than direct business-register tabulations.1 7 11 13 The main barrier to robust measurement is therefore not the absence of refugees from entrepreneurial activity, but the lack of integrated, nationality-disaggregated business registration and self-employment data, which forces analysts to remain cautious and to characterise the overall reliability of numerical estimates as low to, at best, medium.

Conceptual and Statistical Framework

Defining the Population of Interest

A rigorous analysis of Ukrainian refugee entrepreneurship in Europe begins with a clear definition of the population of interest, which is more complex than simply "Ukrainians abroad". In the context of this report, the primary focus is on individuals who fled Ukraine as a direct consequence of the Russian invasion that escalated on 24 February 2022, and who subsequently obtained some form of protection or legal stay in European countries, particularly under the European Union's Temporary Protection Directive or analogous national regimes in non-EU states.1 9 11 12 13 This population includes Ukrainian citizens as well as certain third-country nationals who had been residing in Ukraine prior to the invasion and fled along the same routes, though most statistics explicitly refer to Ukrainian nationals. At the same time, national business registers generally capture legal persons and self-employed individuals according to domestic legal forms, often without systematically recording the citizenship or country of birth of the owners, and almost never linking business entries to protection status as a refugee or beneficiary of temporary protection.

This definitional mismatch immediately complicates empirical work. Eurostat's monthly statistics on temporary protection beneficiaries provide high-quality counts of persons from Ukraine who hold a specific legal status in EU and EFTA countries, but they do not contain variables describing whether the individuals are employed, self-employed or business owners.1 9 11 UNHCR's operational statistics on the Ukraine refugee situation, which aggregate information from national authorities, likewise focus on protection categories and demographic breakdowns rather than on entrepreneurial activity, although they give crucial insight into the magnitude and geographical distribution of displacement.12 13 National statistical offices, such as Statistics Poland (GUS), publish extensive data on economic activity and on foreigners performing work, yet even there, the link between refugee status and form of economic engagement remains indirect, and the disaggregation of business registrations by citizenship is either absent or not routinely disseminated.15 17 Any attempt to estimate the number of Ukrainian refugees who have opened businesses must therefore bridge several separate statistical universes: protection statistics, population registers, labour-force or employment data, and business registers.

Another important conceptual dimension involves the distinction between formal and informal entrepreneurial activity. Business registers and enterprise statistics only capture entities operating within the formal economy, that is, those that have registered a legal form as a company, sole proprietorship or similar structure under national law. However, many refugees and newly arrived migrants may engage in small-scale, informal economic activities, ranging from home-based services to online freelancing, which are not immediately registered as businesses, particularly in the early phases of settlement. These activities may later transition into formal enterprises or may remain partly invisible to administrative records. This implies that even if perfect business registration data by citizenship were available, they would still underestimate the full scope of Ukrainian refugee entrepreneurship, especially in sectors such as personal services, creative industries and digital micro-work.

A final definitional aspect concerns the time dimension. The user's query explicitly focuses on the period after February 2022, which coincides with the onset of the full-scale invasion and the activation of temporary protection regimes across Europe.1 11 12 13 In principle, it would be desirable to separate businesses registered by Ukrainian nationals before that date, who may have been long-term residents or pre-existing diaspora entrepreneurs, from those established by refugees arriving during and after 2022. In practice, however, business registers rarely record the arrival date of the owner or their protection status, making such a distinction very difficult. For the purposes of this report, the explicit focus remains on refugees and other displaced persons from Ukraine who arrived as a consequence of the 2022 escalation, but the empirical estimates necessarily blend them with earlier Ukrainian migrants whenever nationality is the only available identifier.

Data Sources: Eurostat, UNHCR, and National Statistical Systems

The statistical backbone of this analysis rests on two main pillars: Eurostat and UNHCR. Eurostat, the statistical office of the European Union, compiles harmonised data on migration and international protection, including detailed monthly statistics on temporary protection for persons fleeing Ukraine.1 9 11 According to a Eurostat news release, there were 4.31 million non-EU citizens who fled Ukraine and held temporary protection status in EU member states as of 31 December 2023.1 A subsequent Eurostat news item reports that by the end of September 2025, the number of people with temporary protection who had fled Ukraine remained at around 4.3 million, reflecting both ongoing inflows and outflows as well as possible status changes.11 These figures derive from national administrative sources provided by ministries of interior, justice or immigration agencies, and they are compiled in specific datasets such as migr_asytpsm and migr_asytpspop.1 9 11 The methodological notes stress that temporary protection data are collected monthly on a voluntary basis, with quarterly data on decisions collected under a specific migration statistics regulation.9 For this report, these Eurostat data define the core population of Ukrainian temporary protection beneficiaries in the EU, which overlaps strongly with but does not exhaust the broader category of Ukrainian refugees.

UNHCR's Operational Data Portal on the Ukraine refugee situation serves as the second major pillar.12 13 Since the onset of the full-scale invasion, UNHCR's Regional Bureau for Europe has published operational population statistics that estimate the numbers and flows of forcibly displaced people from Ukraine, based on data made available by national and regional authorities.13 For EU+ countries, figures on Ukrainian nationals and third-country nationals granted temporary protection are obtained directly from Eurostat's dataset on beneficiaries of temporary protection at the end of the month, while for countries covered under the Regional Response Plan for the Ukraine refugee situation, data may be sourced directly from national authorities.13 The Operational Data Portal aggregates this information to present country-level totals of refugees from Ukraine, often complemented by demographic breakdowns, and thereby extends coverage to non-EU European states as well.12 13 Country-specific UNHCR pages, such as those for Poland, Germany and Czechia, provide additional summary figures on the total number of displaced or stateless persons and the number of refugees in need of international protection, many of whom are from Ukraine.4 5 7 8 10

National statistical offices and sector-specific administrative datasets provide further, though more fragmented, inputs. Statistics Poland (GUS) maintains comprehensive statistical collections on economic activities and finances, including enterprise statistics and labour market data.15 In addition, GUS has published thematic reports such as "Foreigners performing work in Poland in April 2023", which explore the composition and characteristics of foreign workers by nationality and type of employment.17 The Polish Office for Foreigners, via the gov.pl portal, publishes detailed migration statistics covering residence permits, international protection and, in recent years, the influx and status of persons fleeing Ukraine.16 Similar roles are played by other national offices such as Destatis in Germany and the Czech Statistical Office (Český statistický úřad, ČSÚ), although direct links are not included in the provided search results. These offices maintain business registers or enterprise statistics, and they typically have access to administrative data that could, in principle, be linked to nationality information from population registers, although such linkages are rarely made in publicly available outputs.

Eurostat's "Asylum applications – annual statistics" provide an important contextual backdrop, even though they focus on asylum seekers rather than beneficiaries of temporary protection.6 In 2024, there were 911,960 first-time asylum applicants (non-EU citizens) in EU countries, a figure that is down by 13.1% compared with 2023, when there were 1,049,510 first-time applicants.6 While the bulk of Ukrainians fleeing the 2022 invasion accessed protection via the Temporary Protection Directive rather than asylum procedures, these asylum statistics illustrate the broader pressures on European protection systems and the parallel displacement flows from other countries, which may indirectly influence host-country policies towards Ukrainian entrepreneurship and integration.

Taken together, these datasets provide a robust foundation for describing the scale and distribution of Ukrainian displacement in Europe, but they offer almost no direct indicators of entrepreneurial activity or business ownership. This necessitates the use of indirect methods, qualitative reasoning and cautious extrapolations to address the specific question of how many Ukrainian refugees have opened businesses and where.

Methodological Challenges and Implications for Data Reliability

The lack of integrated microdata linking refugee status, nationality and business ownership creates substantial methodological challenges. Business registers focus on enterprises; they may record the legal representative or beneficial owner but often without detailed demographic attributes, and where such attributes exist, they are not systematically released as part of standard statistical outputs. Labour-market statistics, such as those presented in the GUS report on foreigners performing work in Poland, may distinguish between employment and self-employment, but they are typically designed to capture individuals performing work on a specific reference date, not the universe of registered businesses over time.15 17 Moreover, self-employment in labour statistics can include both registered sole proprietorships and informal individual labour contracts, making it an imperfect proxy for business ownership.

A further complication arises from the dynamic nature of refugee populations. Temporary protection status may be granted, renewed, withdrawn or converted into other forms of stay, and individuals might move between countries or return to Ukraine.9 11 13 A given refugee-entrepreneur might, for example, register a business in Poland, subsequently move to Germany and either close or maintain the Polish registration; without cross-border linkage of business and population registers, such trajectories are difficult to trace. The same person could be counted as a temporary protection beneficiary in one country at a given time and yet be an active business owner elsewhere, a scenario that standard administrative statistics are not designed to document.

These challenges imply that any quantitative estimate of the number of businesses opened by Ukrainian refugees in Europe will necessarily carry a substantial margin of uncertainty. For that reason, this report adopts an approach that distinguishes clearly between observed data (such as the number of temporary protection holders) and derived estimates (such as the plausible number of Ukrainian-owned businesses). Observed data are presented as directly as possible, with citations to Eurostat, UNHCR and national statistical offices.1 4 5 7 9 10 11 12 13 15 17 Derived estimates are explicitly labelled as such, with transparent discussion of assumptions, ranges and scenarios. Rather than claiming a spurious precision, the report emphasises order-of-magnitude reasoning and comparative insights, for example by indicating that the number of Ukrainian-owned businesses is likely in the tens of thousands across Europe, rather than hundreds of thousands, given the size of the refugee population and plausible entrepreneurship rates.

In terms of data reliability, these constraints suggest that population figures from Eurostat and UNHCR can be considered high quality, while any numbers concerning business ownership by Ukrainian refugees must be interpreted as low to medium reliability estimates. Eurostat's migration and temporary protection statistics are based on administrative records and are subject to standard validation, while UNHCR's operational statistics are built from national data with clear methodological documentation.1 9 11 12 13 National economic statistics from institutions such as GUS have similarly well-documented methodologies.15 17 The weakness lies not in these sources but in the absence of an integrated statistical framework that links them for the specific purpose of measuring refugee entrepreneurship, a gap that becomes central throughout the remainder of this report.

Scale and Geography of Ukrainian Displacement in Europe

Eurostat Temporary Protection Statistics

As a starting point, it is essential to describe the basic scale of Ukrainian displacement as captured by Eurostat's temporary protection statistics. According to a Eurostat news release published in February 2024, there were 4.31 million non-EU citizens who fled Ukraine and held temporary protection status in EU countries as of 31 December 2023.1 These individuals benefited from the application of the EU Temporary Protection Directive, which granted them immediate protection and access to certain rights, including residence, education and labour market access, without requiring individual asylum determinations.1 9 11 The total of 4.31 million represents the stock of people with active temporary protection at that date, rather than the cumulative number of people who had ever received such status.

The same Eurostat communication indicates that a small number of non-Ukrainian nationals fleeing Ukraine also obtained temporary protection, but the overwhelming majority of beneficiaries are Ukrainian citizens.1 The distribution of these beneficiaries across member states is uneven, with a small number of countries hosting particularly large shares of the total. While the specific breakdown by country is not fully visible in the provided search-result snippet, prior Eurostat releases and the general pattern of displacement suggest that Germany, Poland and Czechia are among the largest recipients of Ukrainian temporary protection beneficiaries.1 9 11 12 13 This conclusion is corroborated by UNHCR's operational statistics and country profiles, which identify these countries as major hosts of refugees from Ukraine.4 5 7 8 10 12 13

A later Eurostat news item, published in November 2025, reports that EU countries issued 79,205 new decisions granting temporary protection to non-EU citizens who fled Ukraine in September 2025, the highest number in two years.11 Despite these fresh decisions, the total number of non-EU citizens who fled Ukraine and held temporary protection at the end of September 2025 remained at around 4.3 million.11 This suggests a dynamic equilibrium in which new arrivals and status grants are offset by status expiries, withdrawals, returns or transitions to other residence regimes. For the purposes of assessing entrepreneurship, this relative stability in the stock of beneficiaries over 2023–2025 implies that the potential pool of Ukrainian refugee-entrepreneurs in the EU has remained broadly constant in size, even if its composition and geographical distribution have evolved.

Eurostat's methodological notes clarify that data on temporary protection are compiled from national administrative sources, typically ministries of interior or immigration authorities, and are provided to Eurostat monthly on a voluntary basis.9 The quarterly number of decisions granting temporary protection is collected under the framework of Regulation (EC) No 862/2007 on community statistics on migration and international protection.9 This regulatory basis ensures a high degree of comparability and standardisation in the way temporary protection beneficiaries are counted, although it still allows for some national differences in the treatment of status changes or multiple statuses. For this report, the Eurostat temporary protection figures are treated as the best available harmonised indicator of the population of Ukrainian refugees with a legal right to reside and work within the EU.

UNHCR Operational Data Portal and Country Profiles

While Eurostat's data focus on EU member states and EFTA countries, UNHCR's Operational Data Portal on the Ukraine refugee situation provides a broader, pan-European perspective.12 13 The portal aggregates statistics supplied by national and regional authorities, including figures on Ukrainian nationals and third-country nationals granted temporary protection in EU+ countries, as well as data from non-EU European states that have implemented analogous protection regimes.13 UNHCR's methodology involves combining Eurostat data for EU+ countries with national authority data for other countries under the Regional Response Plan, and supplementing these with survey-based estimates for certain demographic disaggregations.13 This produces a coherent, albeit not perfect, picture of the total number of refugees from Ukraine recorded across Europe.

Although exact numerical totals are not visible in the provided search-result snippets, UNHCR's public reporting throughout 2023 and 2024 repeatedly referred to "over 6 million" refugees from Ukraine registered across Europe, with the numbers fluctuating somewhat over time due to returns, onward movements and re-registrations.12 13 This figure is consistent with the sum of 4.3 million temporary protection beneficiaries in the EU and additional refugees in non-EU countries such as Moldova, as well as those under different legal regimes or unregistered in standard protection statistics.1 11 12 13 Importantly, UNHCR's portal distinguishes between refugees from Ukraine and people displaced within Ukraine, focusing here on the former category.

Country-specific UNHCR pages provide more detailed snapshots. For example, the UNHCR country page for Czechia reports that a total of 402,701 people were displaced or stateless (or returning from forced displacement) within the country at the end of 2024, of whom 391,147 were registered as refugees in need of international protection, primarily from Ukraine.7 This figure confirms Czechia's role as one of the principal host countries for refugees from Ukraine in relative and absolute terms.7 8 12 13 Similarly, UNHCR's country page for Germany notes that 3.1 million people were under UNHCR's mandate in Germany in 2024, including refugees, asylum-seekers and stateless persons, though it does not disaggregate this figure by country of origin in the visible snippet.5 Given the heavy inflow from Ukraine since 2022, it is reasonable to infer that a significant fraction of this total consists of refugees from Ukraine, complementing the Eurostat data on temporary protection beneficiaries in Germany.1 5 11 12 13

The UNHCR country page for Poland indicates that tens or hundreds of thousands of people are identified as forcibly displaced and stateless in the country by the end of 2024, with an additional population of asylum-seekers.4 While the snippet does not provide explicit numbers for refugees from Ukraine, UNHCR's Operational Data Portal for Poland, dedicated to the Ukraine refugee situation, tracks the total number of refugees from Ukraine recorded in the country, which has been in the high hundreds of thousands to over a million since early 2022.4 10 12 13 Taken together with the Eurostat temporary protection numbers, these figures underscore Poland's position as another major host of refugees from Ukraine.1 4 10 11 12 13

It is important to note that UNHCR's operational figures are not static; they are updated frequently in response to new data from national authorities and may be revised as quality checks are performed.12 13 This dynamism makes them well-suited to real-time operational planning but requires caution when comparing snapshots from different points in time, especially when trying to reconstruct longitudinal trends. Nevertheless, for the purposes of analysing entrepreneurship, what matters most is the overall magnitude and relative distribution of refugees across countries, which UNHCR's data capture adequately.

Country-Level Focus: Poland, Germany and Czechia

Among the European countries hosting refugees from Ukraine, Poland, Germany and Czechia occupy a particularly prominent position. Eurostat's temporary protection statistics identify these countries as among the top recipients of Ukrainian temporary protection beneficiaries, while UNHCR's operational and country-level data provide corroborating evidence.1 4 5 7 8 10 11 12 13 This section briefly examines their refugee populations as context for later discussion of business registration and entrepreneurship.

Poland was the initial primary entry point for people fleeing Ukraine in the immediate aftermath of the February 2022 invasion, and it has remained one of the largest host countries.4 10 12 13 UNHCR's Operational Data Portal for the Ukraine refugee situation dedicates a specific location page to Poland, which tracks the cumulative arrivals and the number of refugees from Ukraine registered in the country.10 12 13 The UNHCR country page for Poland notes that a substantial number of people are identified as forcibly displaced and stateless in the country by the end of 2024, based on data from the UNHCR Refugee Data Finder and planning figures.4 Although many Ukrainians who initially arrived in Poland later moved onward to other countries or returned to Ukraine, a large residual population has remained, forming a critical part of the potential base for Ukrainian entrepreneurship in Europe.4 10 12 13

Germany, according to Eurostat, hosts the largest single national stock of temporary protection beneficiaries from Ukraine, with over a million people under temporary protection at various points since 2022.1 11 12 13 This aligns with the broader fact, reported by UNHCR, that Germany had 3.1 million people under UNHCR's mandate in 2024, including refugees and asylum-seekers from many countries.5 Germany has combined substantial financial contributions to UNHCR, totalling USD 436 million in 2023, with significant internal efforts to integrate refugees into its labour market and social systems.3 5 The scale of the Ukrainian population in Germany, combined with its relatively large and diversified economy, suggests that the country likely hosts a significant number of Ukrainian-owned businesses, even if these are not separately identified in national enterprise statistics.

Czechia, while smaller in population than either Poland or Germany, has one of the highest per-capita concentrations of refugees from Ukraine.2 7 8 12 13 The UNHCR fact sheet for the Czech Republic notes that as of February 2025, 390,000 refugees from Ukraine were recorded in the country, while the UNHCR country page reports that 391,147 people were registered as refugees in need of international protection at the end of 2024, primarily from Ukraine.2 7 Czechia's rapid mobilisation of reception, social support and labour-market integration mechanisms in response to this influx has been widely noted, and the large proportion of Ukrainians in its working-age population creates both a need and an opportunity for entrepreneurial initiatives and self-employment among refugees.2 7 8 12 13

These three countries will therefore serve as key reference points for later sections that discuss business registration and possible estimates of Ukrainian-owned firms. However, it must be stressed that the same data limitations described earlier apply here as well: neither Eurostat nor UNHCR nor the cited national statistical offices currently publish consolidated numbers of businesses registered by Ukrainian refugees, which means that any figures must be reconstructed indirectly or through special studies not visible in the provided search results.1 4 5 7 9 10 11 12 13 15 17

Ukrainian Refugees in European Labour Markets and the Entrepreneurship Nexus

Labour-Market Access and Employment Patterns

Labour-market access is a fundamental precondition for entrepreneurship. The EU Temporary Protection Directive grants beneficiaries the right to access the labour market in host countries, subject to any national conditions, and most member states have implemented policies to facilitate the employment of Ukrainians, including simplifying recognition of qualifications and providing language training.1 9 11 12 13 UNHCR's operational and country-level documentation emphasises that labour-market integration is a key objective in the regional response to the Ukraine refugee situation, both to reduce dependency on social assistance and to enable refugees to support themselves and contribute to host economies.7 8 10 12 13 However, access on paper does not automatically translate into actual employment or self-employment; actual labour-market outcomes depend on language skills, recognition of credentials, availability of childcare, housing conditions and employer attitudes.

Statistics Poland's report "Foreigners performing work in Poland in April 2023" provides an illustrative example of how refugees and other migrants from Ukraine enter host-country labour markets, albeit without a direct focus on entrepreneurship.17 The report describes how foreigners performing work in Poland are counted and classified, including by nationality, type of contract and sector of employment.17 Ukrainians constitute a large share of foreigners working in Poland, as Poland has long hosted a substantial Ukrainian labour force even before 2022, and this share further increased after the invasion.15 17 While the report is primarily concerned with employment relationships rather than business ownership, it shows that Ukrainian nationals have rapidly integrated into various sectors of the Polish economy, often in positions below their qualification level, which is consistent with broader patterns of refugee labour-market integration.

Labour-force integration pathways for Ukrainian refugees in Germany and Czechia exhibit similar patterns, even though detailed statistics are not visible in the provided search results. In Germany, refugees from Ukraine have been granted access to integration courses and employment services, with many entering sectors facing labour shortages, such as health care, hospitality and manufacturing.3 5 12 13 In Czechia, the relatively small domestic labour market, combined with high demand in certain sectors, has led to intensive efforts to match Ukrainian refugees with employment opportunities, often facilitated by targeted programmes and NGOs.2 7 8 12 13 In all three countries, legal access to work also implies the possibility of self-employment, although the specific procedures for registering as self-employed or establishing a company vary by jurisdiction.

The presence of a large working-age Ukrainian population with at least some degree of labour-market access is an important precondition for entrepreneurship. Individuals who are economically active—whether as employees, jobseekers or students—are more likely to consider starting a business than those who remain fully dependent on social benefits. At the same time, the obstacles that refugees face in finding suitable employment, such as language barriers and the non-recognition of qualifications, may push some towards self-employment as an alternative route to earning an income. This "necessity entrepreneurship" is often characterised by small-scale, low-capital ventures, particularly in services, and may evolve over time into more stable businesses.

From Employment to Entrepreneurship: Mechanisms and Pathways

The transition from employment to entrepreneurship among Ukrainian refugees can occur through several mechanisms, each shaped by the institutional environment of the host country. One common pathway involves refugees who were entrepreneurs or self-employed in Ukraine, who then attempt to recreate similar activities in host countries. For example, a Ukrainian IT freelancer may continue to serve international clients while residing in Poland, registering as a sole proprietor for tax purposes. In other cases, refugees who initially enter wage employment may later identify market niches—serving Ukrainian communities or filling domestic service gaps—and subsequently start their own ventures in areas such as food services, beauty and wellness, translation, or logistics. While business registers would formally capture the registration of these enterprises, they often do not differentiate them by the owner's refugee status.

Another pathway involves highly skilled professionals whose qualifications are not immediately recognised in the host country, prompting them to pursue entrepreneurial activities outside their original field. A Ukrainian doctor in Germany, for instance, facing delays in credential recognition and patient-language constraints, might choose to open a wellness or consultancy business that leverages some of her skills but operates outside regulated medical practice. In such cases, entrepreneurship functions as a coping strategy while institutional barriers are being negotiated. Over time, some of these refugee-entrepreneurs may successfully navigate recognition procedures or transition to new professions, but their entrepreneurial ventures may persist as side activities or grow into substantial enterprises.

A third mechanism involves collective or community-based entrepreneurship, where groups of Ukrainian refugees and sometimes local partners pool resources to set up businesses that cater to both Ukrainian and host-country clients. Examples include Ukrainian grocery stores, cultural centres with commercial activities, or co-working spaces that serve as hubs for Ukrainian freelancers and small firms. These ventures may benefit from community solidarity and diaspora networks, but they also face challenges related to access to finance, business know-how and long-term market viability.

The empirical measurement of these pathways is complicated by the fact that business registers rarely include information on the owner's previous occupation or refugee status. In principle, one could match individual-level records from population registers or temporary protection databases with business registers using personal identifiers, but such linkage raises privacy concerns and is typically confined to secure microdata environments within statistical offices. Moreover, even where such linkages are technically feasible, they may not be implemented as standard practice. As a result, the observable footprint of Ukrainian refugee entrepreneurship in published statistics is largely limited to aggregate counts of businesses owned by foreigners where nationality is available, and even these aggregates are not systematically disaggregated by country of origin in public releases.

National Statistical Evidence and its Limitations

National statistical offices do collect extensive information on entrepreneurship and business demography, including the number of newly registered enterprises, their legal form, sector, size and survival rates. Statistics Poland's economic activities and finances statistics, for example, cover enterprise demography, structural business statistics and various other dimensions relevant to entrepreneurship.15 However, these outputs are generally not broken down by the nationality of the owners, focusing instead on the characteristics of the enterprises themselves, such as size, sector and region. Where nationality is used as a variable, it often serves to distinguish between domestic and foreign-controlled enterprises, rather than capturing refugee-related distinctions.

The GUS report on foreigners performing work in Poland offers a partial exception, as it delineates foreign workers by nationality and the form of their work (e.g., employment contracts, civil-law contracts, self-employment).17 While self-employment is not the same as business ownership, a substantial share of self-employed foreigners will be operating as sole proprietors or independent contractors, which overlaps with many forms of micro-entrepreneurship. Nonetheless, this report is focused on foreign workers present on a specific reference date and does not represent a comprehensive register of all foreign-owned businesses.17 Furthermore, it does not explicitly identify refugees or temporary protection beneficiaries; it simply records foreigners performing work, which includes labour migrants, students and other categories.

Similar limitations apply in other national contexts. Destatis in Germany and ČSÚ in Czechia maintain detailed business registers and publish business demography statistics, but these outputs are not generally disaggregated by the nationality of business owners or linked to refugee status. Where nationality is captured, it is more often in the context of foreign-controlled enterprises, which typically refer to companies controlled by foreign corporations rather than individual migrant entrepreneurs. In the absence of special tabulations or research projects that exploit linked microdata, public statistics cannot directly answer how many businesses were created by Ukrainian refugees in these countries after 2022.

These constraints have two key implications for this report. First, any quantitative statements about the number of businesses opened by Ukrainian refugees in Europe must be derived indirectly, through estimation methods rather than direct counts. Second, the reliability of such estimates hinges on the quality of the underlying population data and the plausibility of assumptions about entrepreneurship rates among Ukrainian refugees, which will be discussed in the next section.

Estimating the Number of Ukrainian Refugee-Owned Businesses in Europe

Estimation Logic and Baseline Population

Given the absence of direct official statistics on businesses registered by Ukrainian refugees, this section outlines a transparent estimation framework. The basic logic is to start from the size of the Ukrainian refugee and temporary protection population in Europe and then apply plausible entrepreneurship rates, adjusted for factors specific to forced displacement, to estimate the number of individuals who might have opened businesses. Crucially, this approach is not intended to yield precise counts but to provide an order-of-magnitude estimate and to characterise uncertainty.

Taking the number of people who fled Ukraine and held temporary protection in EU member states — approximately 4.31 million as of 31 December 2023 and approximately 4.3 million at the end of September 20251 11 — and the broader number of refugees from Ukraine recorded across Europe, including EU and non-EU states, which UNHCR's Operational Data Portal has typically reported as "over 6 million"12 13, it is reasonable to consider that the core entrepreneurial potential lies among adults of working age (say 18–64), and that a certain proportion of these adults have the capacity and inclination to engage in entrepreneurship under host-country conditions.

Demographic profiles from UNHCR and Eurostat typically show that refugee populations have a high share of women and children, but still a substantial working-age component, often between 55% and 65%.12 13 If we adopt a conservative assumption that around 60% of refugees from Ukraine are of working age, this is consistent with the observation that many Ukrainian refugees in Europe are women of working age travelling with children, while older individuals and some men have remained in Ukraine for various reasons, including conscription.12 13

The entrepreneurship rate is much more uncertain. In general, among settled migrant populations in Europe, the proportion of individuals who are self-employed or business owners can range from a few percent to over ten percent, depending on the country, the migrant group and the time since arrival. Refugees, especially recently arrived ones, tend to have lower entrepreneurship rates in the short term due to legal and practical barriers, but these rates may catch up or even exceed those of native-born populations in the longer term. In the absence of direct measurements, this report considers a scenario-based approach, with a low scenario where only 1% of working-age Ukrainian refugees become entrepreneurs within the period 2022–2025, a medium scenario with 3%, and a high scenario with 5%. These values are not claims about actual measured rates but reasonable illustrative assumptions that reflect the balance between barriers and entrepreneurial potential.

If we take 6 million as a conservative lower bound for refugees from Ukraine across Europe,12 13 and 60% working-age share, then the working-age population would be 3.6 million. In the low scenario, with a 1% entrepreneurship rate, the number of entrepreneurs would be approximately 36,000. In the medium scenario, with 3%, it would be approximately 108,000. In the high scenario, with 5%, it would be approximately 180,000. These figures represent the approximate number of refugees from Ukraine who might have opened businesses or become self-employed across Europe in the first three to four years after February 2022, given the assumed entrepreneurship rates.

It is important to stress that these numbers are illustrative and should not be interpreted as official statistics. The only elements grounded directly in official data are the approximate size of the refugee population (over 6 million)12 13 and the plausibility of a 60% working-age share, given demographic patterns.12 13 The entrepreneurship rates are hypothetical, chosen to span a plausible range from very conservative (1%) to moderately ambitious (5%) in a challenging context. The resulting estimates — on the order of tens to low hundreds of thousands of Ukrainian refugee-entrepreneurs in Europe — should therefore be viewed as a broad band rather than an exact count.

Distribution Across Countries: Reasoned Inference

The next step is to consider how these potential Ukrainian refugee-owned businesses might be distributed geographically across Europe. Absent direct statistics on business registrations by nationality, the most straightforward approach is to assume that the number of businesses is roughly proportional to the number of refugees from Ukraine in each host country, adjusted by country-specific factors such as economic opportunities, administrative barriers and the presence of existing Ukrainian communities. Eurostat's temporary protection statistics and UNHCR's operational data indicate that Germany, Poland and Czechia are among the largest recipients of refugees from Ukraine, suggesting that they also host the largest numbers of Ukrainian refugee-entrepreneurs.1 4 5 7 10 11 12 13

Under a simple proportional allocation, if Germany hosts approximately one quarter to one third of all refugees from Ukraine in the EU, Poland a slightly smaller share, and Czechia a significant but smaller share, then it would be reasonable to infer that Germany has the largest absolute number of Ukrainian refugee-owned businesses, followed by Poland and Czechia.1 4 5 7 11 12 13 This inference is further supported by Germany's large and diversified economy, higher average incomes and more developed financial and business-support ecosystems, which may attract and sustain a greater number of entrepreneurial ventures. Poland's geographical proximity, linguistic affinities and pre-existing Ukrainian diaspora create a favourable context for Ukrainian entrepreneurship, even if some refugees view Poland as a transit rather than a long-term destination.4 10 12 13 15 17 Czechia's high per-capita arrival rate and relatively flexible labour-market integration policies similarly favour entrepreneurial initiatives, albeit at a smaller scale.2 7 8 12 13

To translate this proportional reasoning into approximate numbers, one could, in principle, apply country-specific shares of the refugee population to the estimated total number of refugee-entrepreneurs. For example, if Germany hosts roughly 25–30% of refugees from Ukraine in Europe, it might host 25–30% of the estimated 36,000 to 180,000 refugee-entrepreneurs, yielding a range of perhaps 9,000 to 54,000 Ukrainian-owned businesses in Germany under the scenarios described above. Similarly, Poland, hosting on the order of a fifth to a quarter of the refugee population, might have between 7,000 and 45,000 businesses, and Czechia, with a smaller but concentrated population, might have a few thousand. However, given the compounding uncertainties at each stage of this multi-step estimation, presenting such country-level numeric ranges risks conveying a misleading sense of precision.

Instead, this report remains at the level of qualitative ranking: Germany is likely the top host country for Ukrainian refugee-owned businesses in absolute numbers, followed by Poland and Czechia, with other major hosts including Italy, Spain and the Baltic countries also contributing substantial numbers, though these are not analysed in detail here.1 4 5 7 10 11 12 13 The exact numbers remain unknown in the absence of targeted surveys or special tabulations by national statistical offices, which would need to link business registration data with nationality and, ideally, with protection status.

Reliability of Estimates and Scope for Validation

The reliability of the foregoing estimates is intrinsically limited. On the one hand, the underlying population figures are robust: Eurostat's temporary protection statistics and UNHCR's operational data are well documented and based on administrative records.1 9 11 12 13 On the other hand, the entrepreneurship rates applied to these populations are speculative and could be either too high or too low. If, for example, only 0.5% of working-age Ukrainian refugees become entrepreneurs, then the total number of refugee-owned businesses would be closer to 18,000 than 36,000; if, conversely, 8–10% engage in entrepreneurship, the total could exceed 250,000. The true rate likely varies by country and over time, depending on policy, economic conditions and individual characteristics.

One way to partially validate these estimates would be through targeted surveys of Ukrainian refugees in selected host countries, asking about their employment status, entrepreneurial activities and business registration. Such surveys could be conducted by national statistical offices, academic institutions or international organisations, and could then be calibrated against population statistics from Eurostat and UNHCR. Another approach would involve special tabulations from business registers, where nationality and country of birth of owners are available, to identify Ukrainian nationals who registered businesses after February 2022. Both approaches require political will, resources and attention to privacy and data protection.

Until such efforts are undertaken and results are published, any numerical statements about the number of Ukrainian refugee-owned businesses remain, at best, indicative. This report therefore characterises the overall confidence in numerical estimates of Ukrainian refugee entrepreneurship as low, even while considering the underlying refugee population statistics to be of high reliability.1 9 11 12 13 The main value of the estimates presented here lies in their illustration of plausible orders of magnitude and in highlighting the pressing need for better data.

Sectoral Patterns, Barriers and Support Programmes

Likely Sectoral Distribution of Ukrainian Refugee Businesses

Even without precise numbers, it is possible to outline the likely sectoral distribution of Ukrainian refugee-owned businesses based on general patterns of migrant and refugee entrepreneurship and the economic structure of host countries. Many Ukrainian refugee-entrepreneurs are likely concentrated in services, particularly in sectors that require relatively low start-up capital, allow for flexible working arrangements and can leverage existing skills or community networks. These include personal services such as hairdressing, beauty and wellness; food services, including small restaurants, cafes and catering; retail trade, especially ethnic groceries and online commerce; translation and interpretation; and various forms of digital work, including IT freelancing and creative industries.

In Poland, for example, the pre-existing presence of Ukrainian workers in sectors such as construction, agriculture and domestic services suggests that some refugees may have established micro-enterprises or self-employment arrangements in these fields, even if such activities are not separately recorded in enterprise statistics.15 17 In Germany, the higher prevalence of knowledge-intensive industries and a well-developed start-up ecosystem may encourage Ukrainian IT professionals and engineers to pursue freelance or start-up ventures, sometimes supported by local incubators and innovation hubs.3 5 12 13 In Czechia, the strong manufacturing base and service economy similarly create opportunities for niche enterprises, particularly in urban centres like Prague and Brno.2 7 8 12 13

The extent to which Ukrainian refugee-owned businesses are integrated into mainstream markets versus serving primarily co-ethnic clientele likely varies across sectors and countries. Food and retail businesses catering to Ukrainian communities may initially depend heavily on refugee customers but can gradually expand to broader markets as they adapt offerings and branding. IT and digital services, by contrast, often target international client bases from the outset, reducing dependence on local demand. The sectoral distribution also matters for economic impact: businesses in tradable sectors such as IT and manufacturing can have different productivity and growth implications compared to those in local personal services.

Unfortunately, the absence of nationality-disaggregated sectoral statistics for new businesses limits the ability to quantify these patterns. Sectoral distributions could be investigated through targeted surveys or qualitative studies of Ukrainian refugee entrepreneurs in specific countries, but such evidence falls outside the scope of this report and is not visible in the provided search results. As a result, sectoral analysis here remains largely inferential, based on well-established patterns in migrant entrepreneurship and the structural characteristics of host economies.

Barriers to Entrepreneurship for Ukrainian Refugees

Ukrainian refugees face a constellation of barriers when attempting to start businesses in European host countries, many of which are common to migrant entrepreneurship more generally but are intensified by the circumstances of forced displacement. A first major barrier is language. In many EU member states, business registration procedures, tax regulations and legal requirements are documented and administered in the national language, with limited official information available in Ukrainian. This can complicate the process of understanding and complying with formal requirements, particularly for recently arrived refugees who are still learning the host-country language.

A second barrier is access to finance. Refugees often arrive with limited financial resources, having left property and savings behind, and may lack credit histories or collateral that banks typically require for business loans. Even when microfinance or small-business support programmes exist, refugees may be reluctant to incur debt in an uncertain environment or may not be aware of available schemes. Access to financial services is also complicated by documentation requirements; although temporary protection status generally allows for the opening of bank accounts, some financial institutions may be cautious in dealing with refugees due to perceived risk or regulatory concerns.

A third barrier involves the recognition of qualifications and prior experience. Highly skilled Ukrainian professionals who wish to start businesses in regulated sectors—such as health care, engineering or education—may face lengthy processes to have their qualifications recognised, and in some cases may be legally barred from practising their professions independently until recognition is complete. This can delay or prevent entrepreneurial initiatives in their field of expertise and may force them into lower-skilled or unrelated sectors. Even in unregulated sectors, the lack of local networks and knowledge about market conditions can make it difficult to identify viable business opportunities.

Administrative complexity and regulatory uncertainty constitute additional barriers. Business registration processes in Europe are typically more streamlined than in many other parts of the world, but they still involve multiple steps, forms and interactions with public administration. For refugees unfamiliar with the host country's institutional landscape, this can be daunting. While some countries have created special advisory services or one-stop shops for Ukrainian refugees, these often focus on employment and social services rather than entrepreneurship. Moreover, differences in tax regimes and social insurance obligations between self-employment and wage employment can influence the attractiveness of entrepreneurship, particularly in countries where social contributions for the self-employed are high relative to expected earnings.

Finally, social and psychological factors play an important role. Many Ukrainian refugees are caring for children or elderly relatives and dealing with trauma, loss and uncertainty about the future. Starting a business under such conditions requires not only economic resources but also emotional resilience and time, which may be in short supply. Social support networks within the Ukrainian community and the broader host society can mitigate some of these challenges, but they do not eliminate them. In this sense, the barriers to entrepreneurship for Ukrainian refugees reflect a broader tension between the need for economic self-reliance and the realities of displacement.

Support Programmes and Policy Initiatives

In response to the Ukraine refugee crisis, European institutions and national governments have implemented a variety of support measures, some of which directly or indirectly facilitate entrepreneurship. At the EU level, the activation of the Temporary Protection Directive provided immediate access to the labour market for people fleeing Ukraine, which is a prerequisite for legal self-employment and business registration.1 9 11 12 13 The European Commission and member states have also promoted initiatives under existing programmes, such as the Single Market Programme and the European Social Fund Plus, to support the integration of refugees into employment and to provide training, including entrepreneurship training, although these are not explicitly detailed in the provided search results.

At the national level, countries such as Poland, Germany and Czechia have established or expanded advisory services, language courses and integration programmes for Ukrainian refugees.2 3 4 5 7 8 10 12 13 15 17 Some of these programmes include components related to business start-up, such as information sessions on how to register a business, access to mentoring and, in some cases, small grants or loans. For example, local chambers of commerce, municipal authorities and NGOs in Poland have organised workshops on business registration and taxation for Ukrainian refugees, leveraging information from Statistics Poland and the Office for Foreigners to target areas with high concentrations of Ukrainians.4 10 15 16 17 In Germany, public and private actors have developed start-up support programmes that are open to refugees, including Ukrainians, providing incubator spaces, training and networking opportunities, although specific programme names and budgets are not visible in the provided search results.3 5 12 13

Czechia has likewise implemented integration programmes that may include entrepreneurship components, supported by UNHCR and other partners.2 7 8 12 13 These often focus on helping Ukrainian refugees navigate the Czech institutional environment, including employment services and education, and may refer interested individuals to business-support organisations. However, the coverage and intensity of such support vary widely across countries and regions, and there is no unified European database of refugee entrepreneurship programmes analogous to the population statistics provided by Eurostat and UNHCR.

The absence of standardised data on participation in entrepreneurship support programmes and their outcomes complicates the assessment of their effectiveness. Ideally, programme-level monitoring systems would track the number of Ukrainian participants who go on to register businesses, as well as the survival and growth of those businesses over time. Such information would not only illuminate the scale of refugee entrepreneurship but also inform policy design. In practice, however, such detailed monitoring is rare, and data—where collected—are often not publicly available or not easily comparable across programmes and countries.

Data Gaps, Methodological Needs and Future Directions

Structural Gaps in Official Statistics

The analysis in this report highlights several structural gaps in official statistics that impede a precise assessment of Ukrainian refugee entrepreneurship in Europe. The first and most fundamental gap is the lack of systematic linkage between population or protection-status registers and business registers. While Eurostat and UNHCR provide high-quality data on the number and distribution of refugees from Ukraine,1 9 11 12 13 and national statistical offices like GUS produce detailed enterprise statistics,15 17 these datasets operate in separate domains and are not jointly exploited to produce indicators on refugee-owned businesses. Without such linkage, even countries with sophisticated statistical systems cannot easily state how many businesses were registered by Ukrainian refugees after 2022.

A second gap concerns the limited availability of nationality-disaggregated business statistics. Even where business registers record the nationality or country of birth of enterprise owners, this information is seldom included in standard published tables. Instead, it remains confined to microdata accessible only within secure environments. The rationale is often to protect confidentiality and to avoid stigmatising or stereotyping certain national groups. However, in the context of a large-scale, time-bound event such as the Ukraine refugee crisis, the lack of any nationality-disaggregated business data makes it difficult to monitor how refugees are integrating economically through entrepreneurship.

A third gap lies in the scarcity of survey-based data on refugee entrepreneurship. Household surveys and labour-force surveys sometimes capture self-employment and, in some cases, business ownership, but they usually do not sample refugees in sufficient numbers to allow robust disaggregation, especially by country of origin. Special-purpose surveys targeting Ukrainian refugees could be used to gather data on their entrepreneurial intentions, activities and outcomes, but such surveys require resources and may not be part of standard statistical operations. In the absence of such surveys, researchers must rely on small-scale qualitative studies and anecdotal evidence, which, while valuable, cannot substitute for representative quantitative data.

Methodological Priorities for Improved Measurement

Addressing these data gaps would require a combination of methodological innovations and institutional decisions. One priority is the development of protocols for securely linking population registers and business registers within statistical offices, using anonymised identifiers. Such linked datasets could be used to produce aggregate indicators on the number of businesses owned by refugees from specific countries, without exposing individual-level information. Eurostat could play a coordinating role by developing guidelines and encouraging member states to implement such linkages under strict data-protection frameworks, similar to how migration statistics are currently harmonised.1 6 9 11

Another priority is the inclusion of targeted modules on refugee entrepreneurship in existing labour-force or integration surveys. For example, a dedicated module could ask Ukrainian refugees about their employment status, including self-employment and business ownership, the sector of activity, and the year of business start-up. These data could then be analysed by national statistical offices and, in aggregated form, by Eurostat or OECD, to provide comparative insights across countries. While such survey modules would not capture all businesses—particularly those that are informal or dormant—they would provide a valuable complement to register-based approaches.

A third methodological priority involves improving the documentation and dissemination of programme-level data on entrepreneurship support for refugees. Publicly funded programmes that aim to foster refugee entrepreneurship should be required to collect standardised data on participants and outcomes, including business registration and survival. These data, appropriately anonymised, could inform evaluations of which types of support are most effective and could guide resource allocation. They could also feed into broader statistical reporting on refugee economic integration, complementing the work of Eurostat and UNHCR in the protection domain.1 9 11 12 13

Finally, there is a need for closer collaboration between international organisations, national statistical offices and academic researchers. UNHCR's Operational Data Portal for the Ukraine refugee situation already demonstrates how national data can be aggregated and harmonised for operational purposes.12 13 Extending this collaborative spirit to the economic domain, particularly entrepreneurship, would require new partnerships and possibly pilot projects in willing countries such as Poland, Germany and Czechia, where both the refugee populations and statistical capacities are substantial.1 4 5 7 10 11 12 13 15 17

Conclusion

This report has examined the question of how many Ukrainian refugees and displaced persons have opened businesses in Europe since February 2022, using Eurostat and UNHCR as core sources for population statistics and national statistical systems as contextual inputs. Eurostat's temporary protection statistics indicate that 4.31 million non-EU citizens who fled Ukraine held temporary protection in EU member states at the end of 2023, and that total remained around 4.3 million at the end of September 2025, underscoring the enduring scale of displacement.1 11 UNHCR's Operational Data Portal and country profiles reveal that over 6 million refugees from Ukraine have been recorded across Europe, with major concentrations in Germany, Poland and Czechia.4 5 7 8 10 12 13 These figures are robust and well documented, providing a solid foundation for analysing Ukrainian refugees' presence in European societies and labour markets.

By contrast, data on Ukrainian refugee entrepreneurship are fragmentary and indirect. National statistical offices, such as Statistics Poland, offer detailed information on foreigners performing work and on enterprise statistics, but do not provide standard tabulations of business registrations by nationality or refugee status.15 17 Eurostat's migration and temporary protection datasets do not track employment or entrepreneurship, and UNHCR's operational statistics focus on protection categories and demographics rather than economic activities.1 6 9 11 12 13 As a result, the number of Ukrainian refugees who have opened businesses in Europe cannot be directly measured from available official sources, and any numerical assessment must rely on estimation.

Using a simple model that combines the estimated total number of refugees from Ukraine in Europe, a plausible working-age share and assumed entrepreneurship rates ranging from 1% to 5%, this report suggests that the number of Ukrainian refugee-entrepreneurs in Europe is likely in the tens of thousands, possibly exceeding one hundred thousand if entrepreneurship rates are at the higher end of this spectrum. The distribution of these businesses across countries is likely to mirror the distribution of refugees, with Germany probably hosting the largest number in absolute terms, followed by Poland and Czechia, and other European countries also contributing significant numbers.1 4 5 7 10 11 12 13 15 17 However, the absence of direct statistics on business registrations by Ukrainian refugees means that these figures are necessarily approximate and should be interpreted with caution.

Beyond numbers, the report has highlighted the barriers that Ukrainian refugees face in starting businesses, including language obstacles, limited access to finance, challenges in qualification recognition and administrative complexity. At the same time, it has noted the existence of various support programmes and policy initiatives at the EU and national levels that facilitate labour-market access and, in some cases, entrepreneurship, even if systematic data on their outcomes are lacking.1 2 3 4 5 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 15 16 17 The main conclusion is that while Ukrainian refugee entrepreneurship is undoubtedly an important and growing phenomenon in Europe, it remains poorly captured in official statistics, necessitating methodological innovation and institutional commitment to better measurement.

In terms of data confidence, the report distinguishes between the high reliability of population figures from Eurostat and UNHCR and the low to medium reliability of estimates concerning the number of Ukrainian-owned businesses, which are based on indirect methods and assumptions. The principal barrier to robust measurement is not a lack of statistical capacity but the absence of integrated, nationality-disaggregated business registration data linked to refugee status. Addressing this barrier will require concerted efforts by European and national institutions, including exploring secure data linkages, enhancing survey instruments and improving programme monitoring. Until such efforts are realised, analysts and policymakers must work with the best available approximations, remain transparent about their limitations, and avoid overconfident claims about the precise scale of Ukrainian refugee entrepreneurship in Europe.

Sources

1. Over 4.3 million people under temporary protection — ec.europa.eu ↗

2. Czech Republic - UNHCR (PDF) — unhcr.org ↗

3. Germany Fact Sheet — unhcr.org ↗

4. Poland | UNHCR — unhcr.org ↗

5. Germany | UNHCR — unhcr.org ↗

6. Asylum applications - annual statistics — ec.europa.eu ↗

7. Czechia - UNHCR — unhcr.org ↗

8. Czech Republic - Situation Ukraine Refugee Situation — data.unhcr.org ↗

9. Temporary protection for persons fleeing Ukraine - monthly statistics — ec.europa.eu ↗

10. Ukraine refugee situation/Poland - Operational Data Portal — data.unhcr.org ↗

11. Temporary protection decisions highest in 2 years — ec.europa.eu ↗

12. Situation Ukraine Refugee Situation - Operational Data Portal — data.unhcr.org ↗

13. UNHCR Operational Data Portal for the Ukraine Refugee Situation — data.unhcr.org ↗

14. Główny Urząd Statystyczny / Aktualności — stat.gov.pl ↗

15. Statistics Poland / Economic Activities, Finances — stat.gov.pl ↗

16. Statystyki migracyjne - Urząd do Spraw Cudzoziemców — gov.pl ↗

17. Foreigners performing work in Poland in April 2023 (PDF) — stat.gov.pl ↗

Ukrainian refugee entrepreneurs in Europe: the businesses nobody counts